Argues that the prevailing pessimism on the status of African-Americans and the state of race relations is not justified by the facts, which show that the lives of most African-Americans have improved over the past five decades, and advocates doing away with affirmative action and similar policies. Analyzes historical developments in race relations that climaxed in the 1960s, contending that substantial progress was made before the civil rights movement, and discusses recent statistics on poverty, education, crime, and jobs. For general readers. Annotation c. by Book News, Inc., Portland, Or.

America in Black and White: One Nation, Indivisible

Biographies & Memoirs

Thernstrom, Stephan

Thernstrom, Abigail

Community & Culture

Simon&Schuster

In a book destined to become a classic, Stephan and Abigail Thernstrom present important new information about the positive changes that have been achieved and the measurable improvement in the lives of the majority of African-Americans. Supporting their conclusions with statistics on education, earnings, and housing, they argue that the perception of serious racial divisions in this country is outdated -- and dangerous.

History

A concerned appraisal of the racial gap in education today cites educational inequalities as a central civil rights issue, highlighting inner-city schools that demonstrate models of educational excellence while suggesting ways that educational problems can be overcome.

No Excuses: Closing the Racial Gap in Learning

Politics & Social Sciences

Social Sciences

Twenty-five essays covering a range of areas from religion and immigration to family structure and crime examine America's changing racial and ethnic scene. They clearly show that old civil rights strategies will not solve today's problems and offer a bold new civil rights agenda based on today's realities.

Beyond the Color Line: New Perspectives on Race and Ethnicity in America (Hoover Institution Press Publication)

Hoover Institution Press

Voting Rights--and Wrongs: The Elusive Quest for Racially Fair Elections

The 1965 Voting Rights Act is the crown jewel of American civil rights legislation. Its passage marked the death knell of the Jim Crow South. But that was the beginning, not the end, of an important debate on race and representation in American democracy. When is the distribution of political power racially fair? Who counts as a representative of black and Hispanic interests? How we answer such questions shapes our politics and public policy in profound but often unrecognized ways. The actOs original aim was simple: Give African Americans the same political opportunity enjoyed by other citizens_the chance to vote, form political coalitions, and elect the candidates of their choice. But in the racist South, it soon became clear that access to the ballot would not, by itself, provide the political opportunity the statute promised. Most southern whites were unwilling to vote for black candidates, and southern states were ready to alter electoral systems to maintain white supremacy. In this provocative book, Abigail Thernstrom argues that southern resistance to black political power began a process by which the act was radically revised both for good and ill. Congress, the courts, and the Justice Department altered the statute to ensure the election of blacks and Hispanics to legislative bodies ranging from school boards and county councils to the U.S. Congress. Proportional racial representation_equality of results rather than mere equal opportunity_became the revised aim of the act. Blacks came to be treated as politically different_entitled to inequality in the form of a unique political privilege. Majority-minority districts that reserved seats for blacks and Hispanics succeeded in integrating southern politics. By now, however, those districts may perversely limit the potential power of black officeholders. OMax-blackO districts typically elect candidates to the left of most voters; those officeholders rarely win in majority-white settings. Such race-conscious districting discourages the development of centrist, Opost-racialO candidates like Barack Obama (who was defeated when he stood for Congress in one such district). The Voting Rights Act has become a period piece that today serves to keep most black legislators clustered on the sidelines of American politics_precisely the opposite of what its framers intended. A radically revised law would better serve the political interests of all Americans_minority and white voters alike.

AEI Press

The 1965 Voting Rights Act is the crown jewel of American civil rights legislation. Its passage marked the death knell of the Jim Crow South. But that was the beginning, not the end, of an important debate on race and representation in American democracy. When is the distribution of political power racially fair? Who counts as a representative of black and Hispanic interests? How we answer such questions shapes our politics and public policy in profound but often unrecognized ways. The act's original aim was simple: Give African Americans the same political opportunity enjoyed by other citizens―the chance to vote, form political coalitions, and elect the candidates of their choice. But in the racist South, it soon became clear that access to the ballot would not, by itself, provide the political opportunity the statute promised. Most southern whites were unwilling to vote for black candidates, and southern states were ready to alter electoral systems to maintain white supremacy. In this provocative book, Abigail Thernstrom argues that southern resistance to black political power began a process by which the act was radically revised both for good and ill. Congress, the courts, and the Justice Department altered the statute to ensure the election of blacks and Hispanics to legislative bodies ranging from school boards and county councils to the U.S. Congress. Proportional racial representation―equality of results rather than mere equal opportunity―became the revised aim of the act. Blacks came to be treated as politically different―entitled to inequality in the form of a unique political privilege. Majority-minority districts that reserved seats for blacks and Hispanics succeeded in integrating southern politics. By now, however, those districts may perversely limit the potential power of black officeholders. “Max-black” districts typically elect candidates to the left of most voters; those officeholders rarely win in majority-white settings. Such race-conscious districting discourages the development o

See the best price to sell, buy, or rent books by Thernstrom, Abigail. BookScouter helps to compare book prices from 25+ online bookstores and 30+ buyback vendors with a single search.

Books by Thernstrom, Abigail

See the best price to sell, buy, or rent books by Thernstrom, Abigail. BookScouter helps to compare book prices from 25+ online bookstores and 30+ buyback vendors with a single search.

America in Black and White: One Nation, Indivisible

America in Black and White: One Nation, Indivisible

No Excuses: Closing the Racial Gap in Learning

Beyond the Color Line: New Perspectives on Race and Ethnicity in America (Hoover Institution Press Publication)

Voting Rights--and Wrongs: The Elusive Quest for Racially Fair Elections

Voting Rights--and Wrongs: The Elusive Quest for Racially Fair Elections